Confronting the Costs of War by Michael N. Barnett

By Michael N. Barnett

What determines the concepts through which a nation mobilizes assets for struggle? And does warfare training advance or weaken the nation in terms of society? In addressing those questions, Michael Barnett develops a unique theoretical framework that lines the relationship among warfare practise and adjustments in state-society kinfolk, and applies that framework to Egypt from 1952 to 1977 and Israel from 1948 via 1977. Confronting the prices of conflict addresses significant matters in diplomacy, comparative politics, and heart jap reviews. What determines the recommendations through which a country mobilizes assets for struggle? And does struggle practise develop or weaken the kingdom relating to society? In addressing those questions, Michael Barnett develops a singular theoretical framework that lines the relationship among conflict instruction and alterations in state-society kinfolk, and applies that framework to Egypt from 1952 to 1977 and Israel from 1948 via 1977. Confronting the prices of warfare addresses significant matters in diplomacy, comparative politics, and heart jap experiences.

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Yet important factors are the governmental agents’ initial beliefs and ideas of the most efficient economic organizing principles for mobilizing more resources for war. For instance, although economic nationalism holds that the economy should be subordinate to the goal of the state’s power in the international system, it says little about whether a market-oriented or statist policy would best serve this end.

11 Moreover, Khomeini’s decision to accept a negotiated settlement in principle is largely attributed to the possibility for domestic turbulence because of the political and economic costs associated with the eight-year conflict. And even during World War One German leaders were reluctant to undertake security mobilization past a certain point because of the potential risk to political order: The continuing class character of the State . . may well be at the root of . . the government’s insufficient willingness to deal effectively with the social tensions or to establish any internal control over particular interests for the sake of the war effort.

The economic structure is commonly understood to incorporate the “profile” of the country’s production of goods and services. 20 As Herbert Wulf puts it, “modern arms production requires a capacity for high technology in several branches of industry. ”21 It is not coincidental, then, that those countries self-sufficient in most major weapons systems—notably West Germany, France, Britain, the Soviet Union, and the United States and to a lesser extent Brazil and India— are the same countries that also have a large GNP, expansive industrial base, and numerous high-technology industries.

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